A Blue-Collar PhD responds to Biden's Student Loan Plan
My hometown was small. Woods bordered the east and west. I watched the sun rise and set into round green hills. The woods were thick enough to support my brothers' hunting squirrels and deer for food and fur. "We buy raw fur" read a sign hanging from a metal chain at the Van Ness farm stand. Horses grazed in a pasture at the end of the street, across from St. Francis Church. Men emerged from one factory coated in silver dust from head to foot. In another, women made candles in stifling heat and deafening noise. A DuPont munitions plant exploded in 1917; we played among the ruins and sifted them out of our yards. Many of us would become cancer cases and cancer deaths.
It was all so different then, and "different,"
contrary to the insistence of those who hate us, did not mean "all white"
or "white supremacist." We were all so different. Three different
languages were spoken in my childhood home. The family next door was black.
Across the street "straight off the boat," Italians. Across from
them, Ukrainians. Two doors down, Spanish, from Spain. Across from them,
Jewish. A few houses down, Filipino. Up the street, Puerto Rican. The family
doctor was Chinese, from China. The pharmacist and the dentist were Arabs. My
first boss was an Indian woman from India. There were local kids whose families
had been in the area longer than any of us. The Ramapo Mountain People were
descendants of Dutch colonial settlers and African American slaves. We played
together. We dated.
Our black neighbors were American. The
father had a white-collar job; the mother was a nurse. They spoke English,
dressed like TV characters, drove a new, but small, car, a Volkswagen, and ate
hamburgers and hot dogs. I know because I was over there all the time.
Italians? Whoa. You walked into Sicily
when you crossed that threshold. Opera music, old women in black with
astounding facial hair stuffing cannoli and giving you, clearly not Italian,
the evil eye. We were Catholic but they were some advanced degree. Enough
statues and smoke for midnight mass, in a three-room apartment above an auto
mechanic.
We were different, but we were the same.
Many were a generation or two away from Ellis Island. They told stories of building
a new life in Newark or Paterson and packing and leaving when "things got
bad." "Things got bad" did not mean the skin color of new
arrivals. It meant white kids getting beat up while walking to school. Grandma was
mugged. It was time, again, as it had been in the Old Country, to escape, to
abandon the tenderly nurtured urban plots of figs and grapevines, sucking up
slanted sunlight between tightly packed dwellings. This housing development of
tiny Cape Cods all alike, all in a row, was the new promised land.
All different. All the same. If you were
walking down the street and you saw that someone had parked his car and forgotten
to turn the lights off, you opened the car door, which was never locked,
reached in and turned the lights off, and went on your way. I never touched a house
key. I don't even know if there was a key to my house. Neighbors opened doors
without knocking, and called out the name of the person they were visiting. If
you did something bad, like if you smoked, or if your boyfriend's car was in
the driveway too late at night when your parents were out of town, or if you
walked across the abandoned train trestle, a thrilling but dangerous trek, and
a rite of passage, your parents would know within hours. Someone would tell
them. That someone might be white, black, Asian, mixed race. We were all
different. We were all the same.
We were Democrats. I asked my mother.
She told me. "The Republicans are for the rich. The Democrats are for the
poor. We are poor. The Republicans are not for us." Democrats had names
like ours: Muskie, Brzezinski, Rostenkowski, Mikulski, Cuomo, O'Neill. Barbara
Jordan and Shirley Chisholm, black Democratic women, inspired me. Rockefeller,
Goldwater, Tom Kean, John Lindsay: rich guys. Not like us. Republicans.
A local Democratic Party bigwig came to
the house. I could see how important she was. Her clothes were new and crisp,
and everything matched. Her hair was "done." She had been to a salon
and her hair had been put in curlers and pressured into place and lots of
hairspray had been sprayed on. But she immediately let us know how much like us
she was. She talked about earning money at the secretarial job she got while
still in high school. "Where did that money go?" she announced. She
gestured backward. "On my back!" she cried. Every payday she'd visit
Paterson's then-fashionable clothing stores. She wanted our votes, and our
reliable work as county election board officials. But she'd charm us, first, by
letting us know that she was just like us. From Paterson, before it got "bad,"
and it's getting "bad" was a sad thing for us all, and we wanted our
cities back, back as they had been, when they were safe.
We were poor enough for welfare. We did
not receive it. I interviewed my mother on tape. "Others got welfare. Why
didn't we?"
"If everyone else is jumping off
the bridge, are you going to jump off the bridge?" She told me this story.
"We were so poor when we came to
this country. There was a magician and he cost ten cents to go see. My mother
didn't have the ten cents to give me. She could not scrape up ten pennies. The
insurance man was sitting at our kitchen table and he wanted to give me the ten
cents. And my mother says to me in Slovak, 'No. You cannot take it from
anybody.' So I didn't see the magician. She was too proud. My mother used to
sew dresses at home. Fifty cents a piece, for the neighbors. Imagine? I used to
be her model. From size ten to size forty. And if I didn't stand straight, I'd
get a whack."
Pride was more valuable than being
beholden.
We wanted our cities fixed that way,
through work and pride, not through the government, not through welfare. To us,
feeling that way was a Democratic way to feel. We felt that Paterson's poor
were not some class of beggars, lower than we, who required our noblesse
oblige, scattering coins from above, but poor like us, and like us, they could
work and make their lives better.
There were hungry days. Shoes were an
issue. I developed tough feet. But we shared. One winter, Regina, Irene and I played
in the snow all day. We had one sock we shared between us as a glove. As one's
hand warmed up, she'd pass off the sock to the next one. Big plastic bags of
hand-me-down clothes passed from hand to hand. Baked goods left sugar trails
from door to door. Garden produce sprang out of tiny back yards cleared of Dupont's
shards, backyards that had seemed so big back then. Zucchini and peaches
shuffled in brown paper bags carried by little kids running from back door to
back door. When my mother had no car, neighbors took her grocery shopping. When
my mother had a car, she took neighbors grocery shopping. When things got bad
at home, I went to live with the family across the street. When things got bad
for Bridget, she came to live with my family. When you encountered human need,
you didn't immediately say, "The government should solve this with
taxpayer dollars. Pity that they do not." Rather, you made room in your
house, you made time on your schedule, you dug into your pocket. Caring about
other people was about YOU caring about other people, not some distant
bureaucrat fiddling with taxpayer dollars.
Care being something that you did
something about, not waiting around for others to solve, extended to death.
Three members of my natal family died in the house I grew up in; a fourth died
in her own home. My mom turned my dad every two hours, so that he wouldn't
develop bed sores, as he surrendered to Alzheimer's. I changed my dying loved
one's diapers; I held my sister and my mother as they died. I didn't call the
government and ask them to send someone to do those things. When someone died,
so many neighbors came there was no room to sit down. You had to feed them all
so there was no time to cry. My mother and I were alone for hours. When she
finally passed, I opened the screen door and called out to my brother, walking
in the street. "Mommy's dead." Within minutes, the house was full of
neighbors, crying and kissing me and telling me how wonderful she was.
It wasn't heaven, but there were at
least two hells. There were the past hells passed through by unknown generations
of peasant elders. Kateryna's father, a Ukrainian Christian, had been an inmate
in a Nazi concentration camp. He was weird; she was shy. I used to beat up on
kids who teased her. Another friend's father fought in North Africa and on the
Eastern Front, and not for the good guys. He brought his hate home and onto our
friend's young body. There were World War II and Korean combat veterans. Young
men went to Vietnam; some did not return. Survivors of the Great Depression
could still identify edible wild plants and bake cake without eggs. Further
back, Frank's grandmother worked in a sweatshop. The foreman used to grab the
women. Grandma broke his arm. She had to return to Italy for a while. The
czars, the English, the Turks, cholera.
War, Depression, and concentration camps
all have names. I don't know what troubled this one neighbor. My dad had
premonitions. One day he had a premonition that he had to visit this one
neighbor, and he found the guy about to kill himself. My dad talked him down;
saved his life. He lived for many more years, taking joy in his basement hobby
of carving animal figurines out of wood.
The other hell was present, not past.
This hell surrounded us, and we could fall into it at any moment by making bad
choices. Rocky died of a heroin overdose. Maeve, unmarried, ended up getting
pregnant in high school and she has spent her entire subsequent life on
welfare, eating chips, sitting on sagging couches, and watching bad TV. Some
sons went bad and became bums. That's what we called them. "Bums."
Not "homeless" or "unhoused." Some girls went bad and
became "tramps." We didn't worry about "slut shaming." The
word "tramp" worked. We didn't say, "Rocky was a victim of the
pharmaceutical industry." We said, "It was heroin. What did he
expect?" We weren't being cruel; we were erecting a neon sign at the gates
of hell: "Don't do heroin." If you didn't want to be a dead addict or
a pregnant teen or a tramp or a bum, you looked at these people's sucky lives
and you learned something and you made different choices. Aspiration, working
to be better than you were, the power of personal responsibility: those felt
like Democrat values, back then.
Barbara worked in a factory for a multinational
cosmetics company. The bosses demanded sexual access. The older, wiser women
resisted. The bosses gave them lousier work and hired younger, more naïve girls.
Carrying bags in country clubs, landscaping, mopping floors in hospitals. We
all did work "white people don't want to do." Most of us doing that
work were white, and apparently invisible to those who invented that phrase.
We knew there were richer people. My mom
cleaned their houses; my dad carried their bags. We knew it wasn't "fair"
that they had so much and we had so little. We just worked harder. The church
told us that this world would never be fair. The church told us to find people
poorer than we, to give our money to. My dad used to repeat, "I used to
feel sad that I had no shoes, till I met a man who had no feet." Catholic
school kids held events to raise money for Third World hospitals and
orphanages. My mother sponsored a black woman who drove around the country in a
station wagon spreading the word of God.
We never, and I mean never, engaged in
suffering Olympics. No one used their horrible life story as part of any
competition. No one expected to receive goodies because he or his ancestors had
suffered. No one was better or worse than anyone else because of his or her
miserable history of being victimized by bigotry or shot in war or just plain
growing up foraging for food during the Depression. No one deferred to our
black neighbors because their ancestors were probably slaves, or to Kateryna's
father who had been in a concentration camp, or to the mother whose son was
offed by the mob. No one received any extra points for being a victim. If you
could turn your suffering into a good story, you got points for that skill, but
not for the suffering itself, because, hell, everybody hurts.
There was a guy in the next town, Roger,
who chose to wear dresses. We found this interesting but other than that we
didn't much talk about his clothing choice. Seemed like a nice enough guy. A
cousin was "butch." An aunt said that that was a sin. I said no, she
was born that way, and God wants us to love each other. The conversation ended
there. She was one of us; why cause trouble?
Fat girls and thin boys were bullied mercilessly.
No one expected the government to intervene, or teachers or parents to rescue
us. We, the bullied, learned to fight back and to stage counteroffensives of
our own. Bullies learned to regret it and to back off. I was a fat girl. I
learned to ignore one bully, and that was a useful skill. I learned to hurt
other bullies, and that fed my ungodly lust for revenge. I did bully others,
and that introduced me to my own dark side, a dark side I needed to recognize
and resist. All of this felt like growing up, not something I needed to be
"saved" from.
We all told extravagantly ugly sexist
and ethnic jokes about every group, especially our own. I could tell, right
now, jokes about ten ethnic groups, and many jokes about dumb Poles. We called
each other all the derogatory ethnic group names. Alice called me "P---k,"
and I called her "S--c." How different things are now that you can't
even spell out a lot of those words.
In school there was no "representation."
No one tried to induce us to learn by presenting us with material that
reflected our lives. There weren't separate books for the Arab kids, the
Italian kids, the Polish kids. We learned because otherwise the nuns and our
parents both would beat the living crap out of us. We read books that had
absolutely nothing to do with our everyday lives. Zerna Sharp and Carolyn
Keene, Shakespeare and Homer, had never slept three to a bed or raided a
factory's dumpster for supplies. This felt Democratic to me. If Shakespeare was
good enough for rich WASPs whose ancestors arrived on the Mayflower, he was
good enough for me. When we read, we weren't "the Arab kid" or
"The Italian kid." We were the American kid. Democratic!
There was no such thing as being ashamed
of being "white." In fact we didn't think of ourselves as "white."
We thought of ourselves as Polish or Italian and certainly Americans. Being
American meant we escaped all that Old Country garbage of "I'm this; you're
that; I hate you; you hate me; let's fight." Poles, Slovaks, Jews,
Germans, Blacks, sat around my mother's kitchen table, ate and talked, and
ignored the abundant history that could have made us want to destroy each
other. The idea of being ashamed of our skin color or ethnicity or religion
because of some sin some ancestor committed could not have been more remote,
more alien. Identifying yourself for good or ill with what some ancestor did
was an Old Country poison and caused nothing but problems. If you went to a
Democratic Party dinner you had all these mixes of ethnicities and we all
united under the same red-white-and-blue flag; at that dinner, your last name
didn't make you better or worse than anyone else there. It was a great feeling
of community.
Deep down, we never fully escaped the shame
for our poverty, powerlessness, dirt, and defeats, so we worked harder, we did
better at school, and we were compulsive cleaners. You could eat off our
floors. We shared our identities as we shared everything else. Have some
paella, oskvarky, baklava. We were thrilled, at an event, when our Arab
pharmacists danced as they danced in the Middle East. We responded with polka.
Democrats were for the little guy. You
couldn't be for the little guy, the powerless, the wretched of the earth,
without being for the most vulnerable human life of all. It was the guy's job
to "do the right thing" and marry the girl. Families were big and
houses were small. You made a mess; you cleaned up the mess; otherwise, someone
else would have to deal with your mess. You made a kid; you took care of the
kid, or you were a tramp, a bum. No one tried to pretty up the word
"abortion" by calling it "choice" or "care." No
amount of manipulation would ever rescue the word "abortion" from its
own ugliness.
We acknowledged that the nuns were mean
but we did what they said and we stopped doing whatever it was we were doing to
make them torture us. The nuns were excellent training for our inevitable
encounters with law enforcement. "Yes, sir. No, sir. Whatever you say,
sir." Save the lip for the story you tell later.
I interviewed my dad late in his life.
He had only a few years left, though neither one of us knew it at the time.
When he told me what he and his family went through, I wanted to sob. The blows
started when he was born and they never stopped. He went on to kill in combat
and two of his sons died in the prime of life. In civilian life, he worked only
the kind of jobs where men in suits would order him around and look down on
him. And yet he kept saying, "This is the greatest country on earth. I'm
so happy we left Poland and came here." "I cried because I had no
shoes till I met a man who had no feet." He lived by that quote.
Gratitude and hope. Everyone talked
about how much better things were. Our town was better than the coal fields.
Better than Newark. Better than the Old Country. Things were just going to get
better. Everyone had a kid who was going to go to college, or trade school, or
join the military, or become a secretary, and wear stockings every day, not
sweat in the candle factory, and great things were going to result from this. So-and-so
was saving up to buy a really nice used car. So-and-so was going to have a
party in the back yard and there would be citronella candles and steak.
We were going to make things better, we
were going to avoid past and present hells, through gratitude and hope,
responsible choices, and constant work. Joan's dad, Irish, worked in Paterson's
silk mills. Otto's dad, a German immigrant, was an iron worker. Otto's hands
are covered with scars from their labors. Gerry's dad had a really special job.
He was a letter carrier. Alice's dad, born in Spain, was a clerk at Borough
Hall. Work was erotic. Men who had jobs and women who kept clean houses were
desirable. Fila, Slovak, married an American plumber. She was set for life.
Work was competition; who can clear this
patch of ground quickest? Work was holy. St. Joseph, Jesus' father, was "St.
Joseph the Worker," depicted with carpentry tools. Work was therapy. Mike,
an intellectual, told me that seeing the results of his own manual labor
rewarded him as nothing else did. Work gave you great stories.
Film star Richard Burton was never more
compelling than when telling this
story. Burton's father in Wales and my Slovak and Polish
grandfathers in Scranton, Pennsylvania worked two ends of the same
transatlantic seam of coal. "My father used to talk about the beauty of
this coalface as some men talk about women … this gorgeous display of black
shining ribbon of coal. That coalface was a magical creature. Miners believe
themselves to be aristocrats…There was the arrogant strut of the lords of the
coalface. They had these muscular buttocks and bow legs."
Kids got jobs starting at least in high
school. My sister and I were nurse's aides. Herb was behind the counter at the
7-11. Others pumped gas, fixed cars, input data. Mike became one of the "silver
men" at the factory that processed magnesium. He died young of cancer.
***
It wasn't Heaven. There was domestic
violence, quiet desperation, and low horizons. There was the assassination of a
judge, an unsolved ax murder, and a notorious UFO sighting. But you run into
problems everywhere. Not everywhere offered solutions. Our solution?
One day, when I was a kid, my mother
pulled me aside to teach me how to iron a man's shirt. It was my father's,
gotten from a great, black plastic garbage bag full of donated clothes. I don't
know how many people had worn the shirt before my father, or with what degree
of care. My mother lifted it; it was limp, sky-blue, short-sleeved; you could
see through it. "Treat it with care, as if it were a rich man's shirt."
My mother knew how to iron rich men's shirts. She showed me how to point the
iron, how much to spray it with my fingertips, after dipping them in a bowl of
cool water stationed at the end of the ironing board. I know now that in that
lesson, in hearing her leave for work before dawn, day after day, never calling
in, walking on legs that were as veined as maps, in my father's feeding us on
berries and mushrooms and bread-and-butter leaves, my parents taught me. Focus
on what you have; ignore what you don't have. Do your best, even with the small
things, even when no one is watching. "The best of everything" is an
approach, not a product.
And that's how I got a BA, an MA, and a PhD.
I was accepted at the University of Pennsylvania, an Ivy League school. I
couldn't go because I couldn't afford it. I was repeatedly told that I was the "wrong
minority" to receive funding. I attended cheaper schools.
I worked full time as a nurse's aide
while going to school full time. I was a live-in domestic servant in two
different households; that cut down on rent. I also worked as a landscaper,
cashier, exam grader, house-sitter, and carpenter. I walked in shoes till my
feet were hitting pavement through the holes in the soles. I got food from food
banks. I did not own a car and did not have my own apartment; I shared, I
sublet, I housesat. I did not travel. I did not have cable. I remember once
watching a student who was taking out much larger loans than I purchase juice
from a vending machine. I was astounded. For the amount of money that student was
spending on one bottle of juice, I could buy concentrated juice in the
supermarket and have juice for a week. I carried a canteen.
It took a very long time, but I got the
PhD. The market was flooded, I was again, "the wrong minority" and "too
right wing" for potential employers and I never got a tenure-track job. An
adjunct, I made less money with a PhD than before I got one. I paid back my
student loan in full.
I'm in touch with a friend from my
hometown. He is brilliant and an original thinker. He has no college degree.
His parents were abusive and they cut off all support after he graduated high
school. He earns six figures, but, given job descriptions and requirements, he
could be earning more, while doing virtually the same work he does now, if he
had the degree. His entire career trajectory would have been higher and more
profitable had he had the college degree, a college degree he chose not to
receive because he couldn't pay for it himself.
In my working through my degree, and
paying back my loans, in my friend not going to college because he couldn't
swing it financially, I believe we both were practicing values I learned in my
hometown, values that I have long thought of as blue-collar, as American, as
immigrant, as Catholic, and as Democratic.
***
Maybe nothing writes in such clear, bold
lines how much the current Democratic Party holds people like me in contempt,
and the values of my natal Democratic milieu in contempt, so much as the
reaction to the August 24, 2022 announcement by Joe Biden that he would "forgive"
up to $20,000 in debt for a married person earning up to $250,000.
Fawn, one of my Facebook friends, does
not come from a history of privilege. Fawn's great grandfather's poor, white
family was auctioned off as laborers in 1880 Arkansas
after the family matriarch died of diphtheria and the patriarch was maimed by
an ax. After Biden's announcement, Fawn wrote,
"I work in finance in higher ed.
Over the years, I have worked in many areas, including receivables, payables,
budget, inventory, and payroll. I know from experience that corruption comes in
many forms. I've seen all-expenses-paid travel to major conferences by
employees in their final week before retirement. I've seen purchases made just
to use up the funding available. The mandatory athletic, activity, and meal
plans are exorbitant. As a single parent, I covered my daughter's full expenses
without loans. Hard choices were made. My daughter lived at home, went to a local
school, and we shared an old car. She worked two part-time jobs at one time. I
also did side jobs. While we made those hard choices, my married supervisor,
who had double my pay, and four times the household income, had a son at
school, living in the dorms, driving an SUV, enjoying the meal plan. They got
large loans. He 'needed' the 'college experience.' NONE of his expenses were
paid from family funds. Employees were allowed free tuition. One was also
getting $10,000 per semester in loans. Her pay was similar to mine, but she had
a new Mercedes. None of us responsible 'suckers' should have to pay for
irresponsible loans. Loans were too easy and abused."
In response, one of my old high school
friends wrote, "We made hard choices as well. I guess the words 'sacrifice'
and 'responsibility' are outdated … I just wrote to the White House expressing
my dismay. The Dems will not be getting my vote next election cycle. I may just
not vote at all. Biden's plan won't solve the core problems of outrageous
tuition rates and predatory lending. Biden's plan is a slap in the face to
those who worked hard to pay back their debt. Taxpayer dollars could have been
used to improve the current system by subsidizing community colleges and trade
schools. Some degrees could be made into three-year programs to cut down on
costs."
Organized Democrats on social media are
defending Biden's plan. The closest they come to an intellectual defense is "whataboutism,"
a Soviet propaganda technique that Democrats roundly condemn whenever any
Trump supporter resorts to it. "Whataboutism" is just that old excuse
kids gave their parents. "Everyone else is doing it." Good parents
respond, "If everyone else is jumping off the bridge, will you?"
Democrats' whataboutism runs like this: "You
don't like Biden's 'student debt relief plan'? Oh yeah? Well what about the
auto company bailout? What about the Wall Street bailout?" The answer is,
of course, that Americans don't like those, either. "Everybody Hates TARP," "How Did TARP Become So Unpopular?" "TARP: The Most Unpopular Bill in History"
are just a few of the headlines reflecting how unpopular TARP was in spite of
what many assess as its success.
The goal of TARP was "to mend the
financial situation of banks, strengthen overall market stability, improve the
prospects of the U.S. auto industry and support foreclosure prevention
programs." In short, TARP was meant to help all Americans at a time when
the economy was on the brink of collapse. That's really not the same as Biden
selecting a distinct class of Americans – the 13.5% with student loans – and
erasing debts that they, as individuals, took on and promised to repay. Economists
predict that Biden's student loan forgiveness, rather than helping the economy,
will increase inflation. Biden's plan comes
at a time when academia has divorced itself from mainstream Americans,
abandoning any commitment to education, and instead advancing an indoctrination
into values that contradict those of most Americans. See for example here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, ad nauseum.
One Occupy Democrats meme equates work with
suffering. "I'm not a ghoul who derives his worth by how much other people
suffer," the meme reads. I wanted to respond but I couldn't because I
realized the vast gulf between me and the thirty thousand Democrats who "liked"
it. I didn't "suffer" to pay off my student loan. I "worked"
to pay off my student loan. These folks could never understand me; could never
understand Richard Burton's story about his coal miner father. When I was
younger, I thought that work had inherent dignity and that valuing work united
us as Democrats. For today's Democrats, work is abhorrent; one is saved from work
by siphoning unearned taxpayer dollars.
In an irrational move that rings
historical alarm bells, Democrats are conflating resistance to Biden's plan
with Christianity. Organized Democrats on social media have made the utterly
counterfactual announcement that resistance to Biden's plan is a Christian
project. Since Biden's plan is benevolent and resistance to it is evil,
Christians are evil. Democrats on social media are unleashing a tsunami of
vitriol against Christians. There is no logic to this; Christians are not
notable in opposing Biden's plan. The only logic here is that the left hates
Christianity and require a scapegoat.
Twitter user Stan Van Gundy mocked working class
Christians with a meme. "Republican logic," Van Gundy wrote above a
meme depicting Jesus Christ with the caption, "Jesus' miracle of the
loaves and fishes was a slap in the face to all the people who brought their
own lunch."
Poet and author Jay Sizemore wrote, "Money is imaginary. Just like
Jesus. Stop worshipping both."
"Jesus raising Lazarus from the
dead was a slap in the face to everyone that had already died," reads one meme. "Jesus paying for the sins
of everyone is an insult to those who paid for their own sins" reads another. One meme depicts a church steeple topped by
a Christian cross. The white church steeple has two blank eyeholes. In this
meme, the KKK hood and the Christian steeple are the same thing. A meme read, "If you're a Christian
and you're big mad about the possibility of student loan debt being cancelled,
let me remind you that the entirety of your faith is built upon a debt you
couldn't pay that someone stepped in and paid for you."
Democrats are convinced that there is a
better religion out there. Islam. They share a meme insisting that "MAGA,"
that is Trump supporters, are all Christians and were all opposed to Biden's
plan. They are also all hypocrites because, the meme insists, the Bible demands
that all debts be cancelled after seven years. Not one syllable of this is
true, but memes turn lies into truth. The source of these Democrat-beloved lies
is Qasim Rashid. Rashid ran unsuccessfully as a Democrat for the Virginia state
senate in 2019 and for congress in 2020. David Wood exposes how Rashid
published falsehoods about gender apartheid while proselytizing for Islam. See
that video here.
A Jewish Facebook friend observed that,
whereas anti-Semitism on the left disguises itself as anti-Zionism,
Christophobia on the left is overtly theological. The leftists who hate
Christians hate Christians specifically for our faith, and our faith is what they
use in their hate-mongering propaganda: images of Jesus, of churches, distorted
Bible quotes, references to Jesus' sacrificial death on the cross. "Christianity Is the World's Most Persecuted Religion,"
studies show. Christians are not persecuted for their skin color, the niche
they occupy in the economy, their language, or their culture. All these vary by
country. Christians are persecuted for what they think. Leftists hate
Christians because our minds contain thoughts – thoughts for which we would die
– thoughts that inspire and motivate us – thoughts that leftists have not put
in our heads. Leftists hate us because we worship God. Leftists want us to
worship them. Leftists hate Christians because they cannot control our minds.
In spite of my increasingly conservative
views, I am still, like my parents, a lifelong registered Democrat. I tell
myself that that's so I can vote for moderates and against extremists in
primaries. But it's really because I can't shake the warm glow I feel when I
think about the local Democratic Party of my youth. My friend Paul Kujawsky is Jewish, and he posts
article after article exposing the current Democratic Party's virulent
anti-Semitism, trans extremism, and divisive identity politics, yet he remains
a Democrat. We may both be lost in nostalgia for a real or imagined past that
will almost certainly never return.
Danusha Goska is the author of God through Binoculars: A Hitchhiker at a Monastery
I agree with you and what you thought of the student debt forgiveness/erasure or whatever President Biden calls it. I never went to university, but chose a different path, and it is what it is. All of us paid for what we know, whether it was money, time, risk or a combination of those. I know people I work with today that would never have paid the price I did, and I myself was so stubborn and prideful that I would not pay the price they did; dueling conceits, if you can imagine. Even so, I and my fellow conceited humans know value of what we sacrificed to get what we needed to move on. I think devaluing this cost devalues what was obtained through the cost. Removing the incentive of an agreed to obligation to protect one form the risk of “reality” detaches one further from reality. This is something that used to be called a moral hazard. To me, the “Whataboutism” is simply hypocrisy laundering.
ReplyDeleteThank you and God bless you, Danusha Goska. The world is better for you being in it, and in its face.
Robert Guyton