"I know quite well," he
writes, "that white readers will be more likely to hear out views like
this when they're written by a black person, and I consider it nothing less
than my duty as a black person to write this book … A version of this book
written by a white writer would be blithely dismissed as racist." As
McWhorter notes, he is accused of being "not really black."
McWhorter responds by reminding our Woke
overlords, whom he calls "The Elect," that their very ideology
insists that every black man in America is living under the oppressive boot of
white supremacy. The New York Times published at least one op-ed by a
black professor who insisted that being a professor is no escape from America's
pervasive racism. Chris Lebron's June 16, 2020 op-ed was entitled,
"White America Wants Me to Conform. I Won’t Do It. Even at Elite
Universities, I Was Exposed to the Disease that Has Endangered Black Lives for
So Long." So, yes, as McWhorter points out, by the Elect's own value
system, he is indeed "black enough."
McWhorter has been producing necessary
prose for decades; he should be required reading for American students. His
essay entitled "Explaining
the Black Education Gap" in Wilson Quarterly's summer, 2000
issue, is one of the boldest pieces about education I've ever read. I wish I
could require every one of our Woke overlords to read McWhorter's June 11, 2020
piece in Quillette "Racist
Police Violence Reconsidered."
McWhorter is an exquisite wordsmith and Woke
Racism's pages are replete with lapidary phrases that are destined to fill the
book's Goodreads
favorite quotes page. Some samples:
Woke racism, McWhorter writes, teaches
blacks "that we are the first people in the history of the species for
whom it is a form of heroism to embrace the slogan 'Yes, we can't.' … Black
America has met nothing so disempowering – including the cops – since Jim Crow."
"For us, for us only, cries of weakness
constitute a kind of strength, and for us only, what makes us interesting, what
makes us matter, is a curated persona as eternally victimized souls … White
people calling themselves our saviors make black people look like the dumbest,
weakest, most self-indulgent human beings in the history of our species, and
teach black people to revel in that status and cherish it as making us special.
I am especially dismayed at the idea of this indoctrination infecting my
daughters' sense of self."
"You can make a shark approaching
you go away by bopping it on the nose … We need to, metaphorically, start
bopping Elects on the nose when they come for us."
Woke Racism's main thrust is that Woke is a religion,
and, as such, in McWhorter's understanding of what religion entails, the Elect
are beyond the reach of reason. McWhorter provides a handy chart that outlines
exactly how Woke demands are self-contradictory. Whether or not whites
apologize to black people, whether whites remain silent or speak, whether
whites move into or out of black neighborhoods, makes no difference. Each
behavior, and others McWhorter lists, are racist. In short, there is no escape
from the machinery of accusation. "The sense our society must make … is tarring whites as racist and showing that
you know that they are racist … anti-racism is everything regardless of
logic."
Woke is not just a silly fad; it is
destroying lives. "Being called a racist is all but equivalent to being
called a pedophile." Americans, out of "simple terror," are "peeing
themselves." Americans fear this accusation just as "the serf
cowering under the threat of a disfiguring smash from the knout." The
elect "are gruesomely close to Hitler's racial notions in their conception
of an alien, blood-deep malevolent 'whiteness' in their simplistic conception
of what it means to be 'black,' in their crude us-versus-them conception of how
society works, as if we were all still rival bands of australopithecines."
McWhorter cites the dire fates of
innocent people like Alison Roman, a New York Times food writer; Leslie
Neal-Boylan, the dean of nursing at the University of Massachusetts, Lowell;
David Shor, a data analyst at a consulting firm; and Greg Patton, a professor
at USC Marshall, whose careers were damaged by trumped up, baseless Woke hysteria.
These people, whose persecution made headlines, are not alone. McWhorter
maintains an active YouTube presence with his fellow black conservative Glenn
Loury, also an Ivy League professor. "Droves" of "students and
professors" write to McWhorter and Loury, "frightened that this new
ideology will ruin their careers, departments, or fields."
McWhorter vehemently rejects the Elect's
insistence that America is a racist country. He documents how very far America
has come from its racist past. The Elect cling to the idea that America is
racist "because, with progress, the Elect lose their sense of
purpose." Because of this need for a sense of purpose, McWhorter writes,
no change would satisfy the Elect. If reparations were ever paid, the Elect
would announce that no amount of money could ever compensate black people. McWhorter's
friend announced on social media that he agrees with BLM. For this statement,
he was "roasted." To say that one agrees with BLM implies that one
might disagree, and any such implication is a racist thought crime.
McWhorter utterly rejects fictions
concocted by the Elect to support the sense of purpose they receive from
denigrating America. The Elect like to attribute the academic achievement gap
to white racism. McWhorter writes, "Black boys do commit more violent
offenses in public schools than other kids. Period." Because teachers are
punished with the "racist" slur for reporting violent incidents
committed by black boys, "underreporting of serious incidents" is
"rampant." Not just teachers and fellow students are harmed. The
black perpetrators are harmed themselves by the Elect's self-serving fiction.
"to insist that bigotry is the only possible reason for suspending more
black boys than white boys is to espouse harming black students."
The affirmative action practiced by
college admission offices also harms black students. Selective colleges admit
black students who are not prepared for their rigor. These students are more
likely to drop out. Had these students been rejected in the first place, and
been admitted to a less selective college, they might have persisted at a less
demanding program and gotten a degree, and an easier path to a career.
Destructive condescension extends to the
world beyond college. Nikole Hannah-Jones received a Pulitzer Prize for the
1619 Project, whose central claim is "quite simply false."
"Someone has received a Pulitzer Prize for a mistaken interpretation of historical
documents about which legions of actual scholars are expert," McWhorter
points out.
If a black person attempts to be
anything other than "not white," that black person's individuality is
erased. A black person, to satisfy white patrons, must be a stereotype, not an
individual. McWhorter asks his reader to name a black author who has written a
non-fiction book on some subject other than blackness. He says that this is
hard to do because the Elect want black people to focus on being pathetic
victims of racism, not, say, experts on auto repair or Inca architecture.
McWhorter does not, though, reject all
of Woke. He approves of statue removal, but they have to be the right statues.
Remove Robert E. Lee and Woodrow Wilson; keep George Washington. McWhorter does
not address the belief of many that Robert E. Lee is a mere Woke camel's nose
under the tent, or, to mix a metaphor like a Martini, a mere Woke camel's nose
on the sill of the Overton
Window. The Woke chose Lee as an easy target. And then they moved on to
chopping down or merely desecrating memorials to Hans
Christian Heg, a Norwegian immigrant and abolitionist martyr who gave his
entire life to ending slavery; Tadeusz
Kosciuszko, a Polish freedom fighter who debated slavery with Thomas
Jefferson and left money for the liberation of American slaves in his will; Miguel
Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote, who was himself a slave; Thomas
Jefferson, author of the document that made the abolitionist movement's
victory inevitable; black soldiers
who fought against slavery; and a Lincoln statue
funded by former slaves. McWhorter himself reveals awareness of how, when it
comes to Woke, one does not get to pick and choose. "This is not a buffet;
the Elect is a prix fixe affair." McWhorter doesn't seem to realize that that
Woke principle applies to statues.
McWhorter agrees with the Woke on the existence
of white privilege, insisting that white "figures of authority" are
like all other white people, and that white people are "not subject to
stereotypes." Reading that, I wondered if McWhorter has ever had a real
conversation with a poor or immigrant white person, and, given his biography, I
feel it safe to guess that he has not. It really doesn't even require actual
contact with non-elite whites to understand that "not subject to
stereotypes" would be laughable were it not so callously irresponsible.
I've met very few poor, white, Christian Southerners, but as a consumer of
American culture, from "Tobacco Road" to Bill Maher's jokes, I know
that poor, white, Christian Southerners are one of the most egregiously
stereotyped and safe-to-hate populations in this country.
New York City will prioritize
providing COVID treatment to non-whites over whites. Previously,
governments prioritized
non-whites in vaccine distribution. A black applicant to a college can have
a much lower SAT score than a white one and receive admission, while the white
applicant will be rejected. These facts and more call a universal and eternal
"white privilege" into question.
McWhorter's vision of whites as being
all pretty much the same, interchangeable, the "default," as he put
it, is exposed when he says that the difference between Germans and Slavs is a
"horizontal" difference, not a "vertical" difference of
"who is hurting who" (sic). No self-aware German or Slav could
read that sentence and not recognize McWhorter's lack of awareness. Germans
have been aggressing against Slavs – the famous "Drang nach Osten"
or "drive to the east" – for at least a millennium. Berlin was a
Slavic settlement before it was German. In the twelfth century, Germans carried
out a Slavic Crusade; they effectively erased the original Prussians, a
non-Germanic people; they carried out a kulturkampf against Polish Catholics.
The 1938 Russian film Alexander Nevsky depicts medieval Slavs fighting
for their lives against invading Germanic people. The film roused Russians who
had to fight invading German Nazis. In short, no, whites are not all just
alike.
McWhorter cites real-world
facts-on-the-ground to counter the idea that, as Ta-Nehisi Coates put it,
"the total elimination of white supremacy" would solve whatever is
"wrong with black people." In fact very well-meaning efforts by
anti-racist whites have not produced the results desired. In 1987, Wall Street
money manager George Weiss promised to pay college tuition for 112 black sixth
graders. Their part of the bargain was to graduate high school, not do drugs, not
have children before marriage, and not commit crimes. Weiss "also gave
them tutors, workshops, and after-school programs, kept them busy in summer
programs, and provided them with counselors … forty-five of the kids never made
it through high school." Nineteen of the sixty-seven boys became felons.
By 1999, "The forty-five girls had sixty-three children between them, and
more than half had become mothers before the age of eighteen." These sad
results were not caused by white racism, McWhorter argues, but rather because
"these kids had been raised amid a different sense of what is normal than
white kids in the burbs." The problem, McWhorter diagnoses, is "culture."
Nor is Weiss' experience a
"fluke," McWhorter writes. In Kansas City, during the same time
period, a $1.4 billion dollar effort was made to improve schools serving black
students. "Dropout rates stayed the same, the achievement gap between
white and black students sat frozen, and the schools ended up needing security
guards to combat theft and violence."
McWhorter's book is more about
description and analysis than prescription, but he includes a few short pages
on what he thinks should be done to help black people. He offers three
suggestions: end the war on drugs; teach reading using the phonics method,
rather than the whole word method; and recommend trade schools rather than
college. This reader did not see how McWhorter's three suggestions get around
the problem of culture he describes so fearlessly in his other works. If a
billion and a half dollars spent on improving schools resulted in negligible
gains, it's not clear how phonics will move the needle.
I hope this review conveys the
excellence to be found in McWhorter's book. I was not as enthused about this
book as I'd hoped to be. There are two reasons.
As I was working on this review, 200 feet
behind me, an eccentrically attired black woman was standing on a sidewalk,
staring at a chain link fence. I first noticed her at ten a.m.; I don't know
how long she'd been there before that. I checked on her frequently throughout
the day. For seven hours, she stood staring at the chain link fence. Neighborhood
children walked past the woman as if she were not there. They have learned
young their skills for survival here.
I wondered if I could help the woman by
talking to her. I'm white. The neighborhood is not. I might be perceived as a
"Karen" and trouble, possibly violent, might ensue. Should I ignore
her? I could not. Her insistent staring at the fence, hour after hour, broke my
heart. Should I call the police? The police might say that she is not breaking
the law and they can't do anything. Snow was predicted to begin to fall along
with the night.
After she'd been out there for eight
hours, an ambulance arrived. Uniformed personnel emerged and began to talk to
her and also to a male who had arrived on the sidewalk shortly before the
ambulance. He was sitting on a milk crate and drinking liquor. The ambulance
blocked the narrow street completely. Residents could not drive in or out for
about the next hour. The two resisted their rescuers for that hour, and finally
succumbed. The ambulance drove off with them.
On another recent day, a black woman was
walking down the middle of the street in revealing pajamas. She had no shoes.
She was muttering incoherencies. Cars swerved. I pulled her out of the street,
called 911, and stayed with her till help arrived.
A mile and a half from where I worked on
this review, Remy Lee, eight months pregnant, was shot to death in the street
by Donqua Thomas, her baby daddy.
I watch children grow up from the
innocence and promise of infancy into lives that very quickly descend into much
more misery than is necessary. Why? That very culture that McWhorter dares
name. We could change that culture tomorrow. A generation – twenty years – from
now, there would be that many fewer women staring at chain link fences even as
snow begins to fall; that many fewer taxpayer dollars devoted to their
temporary and incomplete rescue.
I wish there had been less of a sense of
cocktail party banter and more of a sense of urgency in McWhorter's book. Black
people are being harmed by the lie that they are helpless victims and only
white people can save them, and that harm is real and pressing and could be
ended tomorrow. McWhorter wants short lists of prescriptions. No big programs.
Here's half of my two-item list: consequences. Consequences for small things.
Some residents in my building drop garbage randomly in the halls. That garbage
includes the bones and skin of the chicken they are eating. If someone said to
a young person, "You cannot just drop your garbage. You need to transport
it to a trash can," and delivered consequences when and if that statement
was ignored, much would change. Impulse control and a sense of duty to the
wider society, an awareness that urinating in the elevator creates a clean-up
job for the Hispanic janitorial crew, who don't deserve to be saddled with
that, that impulse control, instilled young, can mature, in adulthood, to
hesitation when a man feels the urge to shoot his baby momma.
The second item on my two-item list is
love. Black parents must choose to love their black babies enough to graduate
high school, to move into their own homes and support themselves with their own
jobs, and commit to marriage with their co-parent, before producing those
babies. To do less is abusive of black babies. Someone should be saying this to
black parents. If that message were delivered and hit home, twenty years from
now, one would have reason to hope that ghettoes would be on the verge of extinction.
My second problem with Woke Racism
is its Christophobia. McWhorter's main argument is that Woke is a religion
"eerily akin to devout Christianity." Woke Racism is like a
palimpsest. One layer is an urbane take down of Woke written so charmingly it
could almost be an anthology of Cole Porter lyrics. Underneath that layer
McWhorter rants against Christianity and Christians. He says that Woke is like
a "virus," a "fungus," a "little worm," and
"smallpox." By extension, Christianity is all those things.
McWhorter flings the standard arsenal of
accusations against Catholicism: witch burners! Inquisitors! Medieval
throwbacks living in the Dark Ages! Resisters of science! Bigoted murderers of
Muslims! Stupid blind followers of irrational ideas!
In response to McWhorter's belief that Catholics
are all about witch trials, please see here
and here. For the
Inquisition, please see here,
here, and here. For the use of
"medieval" and "Dark Ages" as a slur implying that the
Catholic Church imposed a reign of stupidity on Europe, see here, here, and here.
For Catholicism as the enemy of science, see here
and here.
Regarding the charge that Catholics are "lesser humans," are irrational,
hate-inflamed murderers of Muslims, see here, here,
here,
here,
here and here. Christians,
McWhorter states, believe a Bible that "makes no sense" and that
cannot be questioned. I invite him to read every introduction and every
footnote here. Then
read this
and every other book in the series. Christians can't ask questions? Start
reading here.
Need something shorter? Here. Finally, regarding
Christianity as foundational to Western Civilization, McWhorter should read Tom
Holland's Dominion:
How the Christian Revolution Remade the World.
McWhorter has no love for Protestants,
either. His idea of a representational Protestant is Saturday Night Live's "Church
Lady," ugly, hypocritical, and vicious. McWhorter mentions Cotton Mather,
a Puritan clergyman implicated in the Salem Witch Trials, but not Robert Calef
or William Milbourne, contemporaneous Christians who criticized Mather's role. McWhorter
says that race hustler Robin DiAngelo is the Woke incarnation of Aimee Semple McPherson.
In fact McPherson was a trailblazing Pentecostal preacher. She was a
self-directed religious force before women could even vote, and many felt that
women should not preach. A teenage bride, she traveled to China, where her missionary
husband died of dysentery and malaria. She returned to the US and began a
career as an iterant preacher. She and her two children were so poor that they
slept in leaky tents and ate meals of canned corn. She set up soup kitchens,
school lunch programs, and free clinics. She "alleviated
suffering on an epic scale." Daniel Mark Epstein, McPherson's
biographer, said he found no evidence of fraud in McPherson's unprecedented
number of faith healings. In short, McPherson deserves respect for the hardships
she undertook and for the good she did; her biography is not comparable to Robin
DiAngelo's career.
McWhorter praises Jane Addams and Martin
Luther King, two Nobel Peace Prize winners whose work was informed by
Christianity. Christophobes can have their cake and eat it, too. McWhorter,
like everyone, has his own belief system: human progress. He dedicates his book
to "each who find it within themselves to take a stand against [Woke's]
detour in humanity's intellectual, cultural, and moral development." The
idea that humans can make moral progress – as opposed to the Christian idea
that man has a flawed nature that must constantly struggle to abide by a
higher, divine law – also has its deadly expressions. The New Soviet Man was to
be arrived at after killing off all the old style men through actions like the
mass murder of priests and nuns, and the starving of millions of Ukrainians who
refused to "progress." And McWhorter praises the Enlightenment as a
model, but then equates all he hates about Woke with a "reign of
terror." The actual Reign of Terror was very much an
Enlightenment phenomenon.
McWhorter gets in a couple of gratuitous
shots at the, in his words, "openly bigoted" Donald Trump and his
supporters. These marginal statements on such an inflammatory and divisive
topic as Trump will alienate some readers unnecessarily.
This is not the first time McWhorter, a
man I admire, has made derogatory comments about people like me. In a December
30, 2008, Forbes article, McWhorter refers to threatening, racist
whites as "bohunks" (sic). "Bohunk" refers to Americans of
Christian, peasant, Eastern European descent: Polish-, Czech-, and
Ukrainian-Americans, for example. McWhorter's comment is part of a trend,
dating back at least to the 1960s, of elites attributing racism to poor white
ethnics, as I describe in this blog
post and this
book.
McWhorter's snobbery directed at working
class whites, Trump supporters, and Christians will present few obstacles to
many readers of his book. His intended audience, he says, consists of New
York Times readers and people who listen to NPR. Many of those readers will
be attracted to, rather than put off by, McWhorter's argument that Woke is bad
because Woke is like Christianity.
Danusha Goska is the author of God through Binoculars: A Hitchhiker at a Monastery
Found your blog by chance, more or less, looking for info about the John Bauer tarot. Enjoying what I've found here.
ReplyDelete